The Pebble Mine, a proposed project in Bristol Bay Alaska, has been at the forefront of conservation discussions for the past decade. In 2014, the EPA under the Obama administration blocked the project via the Clean Water Act. Discussions about the planned copper mine resurfaced recently after the EPA under Trump’s administration reversed the decision process by speeding up the “environmental review process” (Blate). The findings of this process, published in August, found that the mine will not cause any serious damage, allowing the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers to give the mining company permits for the project. Instead, to the surprise of most people following the controversy, the Corps told the mining company that they needed to address the mine’s impacts on the rivers. This declaration followed closely behind public outcry by Donald Trump Jr. and Tucker Carlson (of Fox News) who have both fished in the Bristol Bay (Blate).
The power of Donald Trump Jr. and Tucker Carlson is particularly problematic when shown next to the decades long attempt by local native populations to stop the digging of the open-pit mine. The Yup’ik, Dena’ina, and Alutiiq people have relied upon the thriving ecosystems of Bristol Bay for thousands of years (Blate) through the healthy salmon fishery and the “intimate connection between the Tribes and their land and water” (Hadley). Although the upset of local communities has been broadcast since the original proposal of this project, the Corps didn’t change their permitting decisions until two influential, wealthy, conservative men, who have visited the bay only for recreation, spoke out against its development. The outcome of the Pebble Mine story is a striking display of power relations in the United States, particularly between native residents and the government who has the final authority over the construction of the mine. It is imperative that these relations are untangled and brought to light as they demonstrate a need to shift some decision making power away from the people and institutions who traditionally hold it. This is particularly relevant to the environmental justice movement, as marginalized communities are often paying the costs of development without reaping any of the benefits.
![Bristol Bay’s “red gold.” | Ben Knight](https://www.americanrivers.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/sockeye-1024x651.jpg)
How is it that it took a tweet from the president’s son to stop the development of the Pebble Mine when native communities have been speaking out against it since its proposal?
Michael Foucault’s “The Subject and Power” offers an answer to this question by addressing power and how it works to subjugate people. When analyzing power relations, he argues that five topics must be addressed: “the system of differentiations… the types of objectives… the means of bringing power relations into being…forms of institutionalization… [and] the degrees of rationalization” (792). The system of differentiations refers to the differences between people who hold power and those who are being subjugated by power. Trump’s administration, the EPA, the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, and the mining company hold the power to make decisions about the mine, while local residents, conservationists, and other interested parties don’t have the legal influence to determine the outcome. There are some striking differences between the members of these two groups; those in power (individuals and institutions) are wealthier and hold much more privileged than the people fighting to halt development.
The types of objectives can refer to several things, one of which is “the accumulation of profits” (792). This mine is for copper, a resource for which many reserves have already been identified. In other words, this mine is not a necessary exploration, as the world has plenty of copper to meet its needs. Rather, the mine is a way for the mining company to make more money, despite its detrimental ecological and cultural effects. The means of bringing power relations into being is how the power is “exercised” (792). The power of the people making decisions about the mine is mainly institutionalized but is also enforced through economic and technological disparities. The government has historical power to make choices, and they also have a huge economic and technological advantage over the poorer and less connected indigenous communities. Further, the government is connected institutionally to other powerful organizations like the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers and the mining company who also have lots of money and technological resources.
Lastly, Foucault describes the degrees of rationalization, which addresses the “effectiveness of the instruments and the certainty of the results” as there are several actions that can be taken (792). The history of the Pebble Mine has complicated rationalization, because on top of the institutional power of the government (which employs effective instruments that led to very certain results), there is also the power of the voices of Donald Trump Jr. and Tucker Carlson, who had a significant influence over the Corps decision to suspend permitting. This power is less structural and harder to identify, which makes the degrees of rationalization less immediately visible. The hidden nature of this power makes it even more important to try and discern. All these influencers did was tweet and speak publicly about their experiences catching salmon out of Bristol Bay, which garnered enough attention and support to change the U.S. Army Corp’s decision. The two men did not employ extensive technology or use lots of money; they simply have enough sway over public opinion that they changed the results of a millions-of-dollars development project, while the voices of thousands of Native Americans were virtually ignored.
The power relations displayed in this debate are one example of the problematic power distribution in the United States. While Fourcault’s writing helps demonstrate how the power of the government, the Corps, and the mining company functions, it is important to go a step further to challenge its pervasiveness. That the decision to suspend the project was made after the outcry of two men who vacationed at the bay, rather than the protests of people whose cultural traditions are reliant on its health is a blatant example of environmental injustice, as local communities livelihoods would be destroyed and they would never see the benefits of the project. In making development plans like Pebble Mine, discussions must be opened to include native people, local residents, and other invested parties who have been marginalized by uneven power distribution in the United States.
References
Blate, Jessie Thomas. “Army Corps Puts the Brakes on Pebble Mine: Here’s What We Know.” American Rivers, American Rivers, 4 Sept. 2020.
Foucault, Michael. “The Subject and Power.” JSTOR, 1982.
Hadley, Kieran. “North America’s Biggest Mine Threatens Environment & Native Peoples.” The Yucatan Times, The Yucatan Times, 15 Aug. 2020.